Narco News Global Alert
May 15, 2000 (updated after the "election")
As voters in the Dominican Republic
went to the polls on May 17, 2000, their fate was already sealed:
Electoral fraud and drug corruption, directed by the United States
and its Narco-Ambassador.
At stake was not only the presidency
of the Dominican Republic, but which United States political
party will control Caribbean drug trafficking in the years to
Narco News Publisher's Note: The story
below, by editor Michael C. Ruppert of From
The Wilderness -- a subscription-only publication that
includes among its subscribers various members of the United
States Congress -- was made available to The Narco News Bulletin
for public release today, May 15, 2000.
Ruppert , former Los Angeles police officer
and international drug enforcement expert, demonstrates in this
story -- with facts and hard evidence -- that the top drug traffickers
are not in Latin America, but rather, in Washington, D.C.
The Narco News Bulletin extends its profound
appreciation and solidarity to Mr. Ruppert for this ground-breaking
journalistic investigation and for his clarity and coherence
in making the complex narco-trail understandable to all.
After the text of this article is information
on how to subscribe to From
the Wilderness. For the journalists at The Narco News
Bulletin covering the drug war from Latin America it is a must-read
The Narco News Bulletin
Special to The Narco News Bulletin:
The Democratic Party's Presidential
Drug Money Pipeline
Charles Manatt, Clinton's New Ambassador
to the Dominican Republic Demonstrates the Importance of Drug
Money to Election 2000 and to Al Gore
By Michael C. Ruppert
© COPYRIGHT 2000, FROM THE WILDERNESS PUBLICATIONS,
www.copvcia.com. ALL RIGHTS
RESERVED for 30 days from publication date only. Reprints and
quotes must include authorship sourcing. Subject to review and
amendment by FTW on Oct. 1, 2001.
Vol. III, No. 2 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
April 30, 2000
As a Managing Director of the Wall Street investment bank
Dillon Read, Catherine Austin Fitts raised more than $100,000
in 1988 for the Bush Presidential Campaign. Her boss at Dillon,
Nicholas Brady, a close Bush confidant, became Secretary of the
Treasury after the Bush victory. Fitts, as a reward, was appointed
Assistant Secretary at the US Department of Housing and Urban
Development (HUD). Last year, in numerous radio and print interviews,
Fitts was quick to make the following revealing observations:
"California, Florida, Texas and New York are, far and
away, the states where most illegal drugs enter the United States.
"California, Florida, Texas and New York are also the
states responsible for laundering most of the $200-250 billion
dollars of drug money that pass through the U.S. economy and
banking system every year
"Eighty per cent of all Presidential campaign contributions
come from California, Florida, Texas and New York."
From The Wilderness asks, "With Bushes governing Texas
and Florida, is there any wonder why Hillary Clinton and the
Democratic Party need, so desperately, to control New York?"
For the last twenty-five months, From The Wilderness has
been drawing a map, based upon documentary evidence, that the
financial revenues generated by the illegal drug trade are an
indispensable part of the global economic structure - status
quo. In lectures around the country I have demonstrated how the
stream of drug profits permeates Wall Street and how - thanks
to tutelage from Fitts, a former From The Wilderness Contributing
Editor - major Leveraged Buy Outs (LBOs) to finance mega mergers
are virtually impossible without the use of laundered drug capital.
To sum up Catherine's teaching in one "diamond cutting"
sentence, "Those who have the lowest cost of capital win."
In the brilliant out-of-print work "The Iran-Contra
Connection," authors Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott
and Jane Hunter document how the 1980 Reagan landslide victory
was financed, in its earliest stages, with foreign donations
engineered in part by John Singlaub and the World Anti-Communist
League. Those donations were then funneled through the Public
Relations firm of Mike Deaver into campaign coffers. Deaver's
right-hand man, Craig Fuller, had been my closest friend through
four years at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA).
Craig Fuller served as Assistant to Ronald Reagan from 1981 to
1985 and as VP George Bush's Chief of Staff from 1985 to 1989.
Craig also headed the transition team when Bush became President
in 1989, channeling appointments to key fund raisers and supporters.
From The Wilderness's map for its readers says, "If
you don't play with drug money you can't play at all." The
system is Organized Crime. In this article we show you how drug
money is playing directly into the US Democratic Party's Al Gore
campaign as a counterbalance to the drug money that we have and
will continue to document is flowing into the US Republican Party's
Over the last year we began to show you how, by releasing
Medellín Cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder from prison,
Bill Clinton was establishing a new drug trafficking cartel to
run counter to drug money flows established by George Bush between
1986 and 1992. Lehder after his capture received a 99 year prison
sentence under Bush. His cartel co-founders Pablo Escobar and
Jorge Ochoa were either murdered or forced into hiding. From
The Wilderness successfully predicted, a year ago, that Clinton
would release former Panamanian dictator and Medellín
ally Manuel Noriega from prison before he left office. Noriega
was ousted by Bush in 1989 when the U.S. invaded Panama. The
official announcement of Noriega's release came last month.
The Clinton objective: to create a more cost effective drug
pipeline that would have the locus of its smuggling and financial
operations in political centers controlled by the Democratic
Party in the East and Northeast rather than in Republican strongholds
of the South and Southwest. California, one of the two largest
drug money prizes, remains too big and diversified for either
side to control.
Here is one of the biggest pieces of the Democratic drug
Hispaniola - The Right Place at The
Most arbitrary boundaries that exist in the world run east
and west and divide specific geographic regions into North and
South as in the cases of Korea, Yemen, Ireland and Vietnam of
the last century. Few such boundaries run north and south and
are drawn to separate a single island into two east and west
halves making them separate nations. But this is the case with
the island of Hispaniola which is divided into a French speaking
western half, called Haiti, and a Spanish speaking eastern half,
called the Dominican Republic.
Aside from the fact that the two nations have different languages
they share a grinding poverty and "backwardness" almost
vying for the title of poorest nations in the hemisphere after
Bolivia. They also share an un-policed common border, easily
crossed and virtually non-existent for smugglers, and a key strategic
position in between the drug producing countries of South America
- especially Colombia - and the largest single importation center
for illegal drugs in the United States, New York City.
The Clinton Administration has put a lot of effort into the
tiny island. In its earliest days it used diplomatic and military
muscle to intervene in Haitian affairs and the regime of Jean
Bertrand Aristide. The dreaded Tonton Macoute paramilitaries
were broken up and a more stable and "predictable"
regime was installed. While it was generally known in public
that Haiti had something to do with smuggling, little was revealed
about the overall importance of the island in new smuggling patterns
that were emerging in the 1990s.
But it was the Dominican Republic, on the eastern half of
Hispaniola, that was to emerge as the stronger brother in drug
politics. This was primarily for two reasons: One, The Dominican
Republic, on the eastern half of the island was only a short
eighty mile boat or plane ride from the U.S. Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico. South American drugs, smuggled successfully into
Puerto Rico could travel to New York without being interfered
with by U.S. Customs - because they were already in the United
States. Two, Being extremely well organized and comprising the
largest ethnic minority in New York City and throughout New England,
the Dominicans possessed (Dominicans are black with Spanish as
a native tongue) ready-made and hard to infiltrate drug distribution
networks throughout the eastern U.S.
Washington Hides the Dominican Connection
On April 12 of this year, Michael Vigil, Special Agent in
Charge of the Caribbean Field Division of the US Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA) testified before the US Congress House Subcommittee
on Criminal Justice Drug Policy and Human Resources. In his testimony
Vigil labeled Haiti as "The Drug Trafficking Crossroads
of the Caribbean." Emphasizing Haiti's role he pointed out
that "at just under 430 miles from Colombia's northernmost
point [the island of Hispaniola] is easily accessible by twin
engine aircraft hauling payloads of 500 to 700 kilos of cocaine."
Still emphasizing Haiti, Vigil continued, "Just as is
the case with the Dominican Republic, Haiti presents an ideal
location for the staging and transhipment of drugs. Furthermore,
there is no effective border control between the two countries."
In a quote that has a slightly different spin from confidential FBI and Department of Justice documents
obtained by From The Wilderness, Vigil continued, "
recent statistics released by The US government Inter Agency
Assessment of Cocaine Management (IACM), indicate that approximately
15% of the cocaine entering the United States transits either
Haiti or the Dominican Republic."
After pointing out to the panel that once any illicit drug
reached Puerto Rico "it is unlikely to be subjected to further
United States Customs inspection en route to the continental
U.S.," Vigil mentioned - almost parenthetically - "Cocaine
is also sometimes transferred overland from Haiti to the Dominican
Republic for further transhipment to Puerto Rico, the CONUS [Continental
United States] Europe and Canada."
For the remainder of his opening remarks the DEA agent Michael
Vigil commented on new computerized intelligence networks and
joint, multi-national, law enforcement operations targeting Haiti
and other Caribbean operations. The largest of these was the
recently well-publicized Operation Conquistador that operated
in 26 countries, made thousands of arrests and seized a whopping
10,000 pounds of cocaine. The number sounds impressive until
one realizes that 10,000 pounds of cocaine, according to DEA's
own figures, is well less than 1% of domestic annual U.S. consumption
and a far smaller percentage of total consumption for the U.S.
Nowhere, in any of the press reports that From The Wilderness
reviewed, was there any mention of Conquistador's impact
upon, or arrest of, drug smugglers from the Dominican Republic.
In a confidential "Law Enforcement Sensitive" report
in June, 1997, entitled The Dominican Threat: A Strategic Assessment
of Dominican Drug Trafficking, Product No. 97-E0209-001 the US
National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC) - a joint project of
the DEA, the CIA, the FBI, US Customs and INTERPOL -- painted
a slightly different picture of the drug trade throughout the
Caribbean and the overall significance of the Dominican Republic.
Department of Justice sources have told From The Wilderness,
on condition of anonymity, that - if anything - the significance
of Dominican Trafficking Organizations (DTOs), has increased
since 1997. This, as previously published in the July and August
issues of From The Wilderness, has been with the assistance and
protection of the Clinton Administration and the Clinton-controlled
Central Intelligence Agency.
NDIC is not a creature of the Drug Enforcement Administration.
It is more an entity belonging to the Department of Justice and
to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) which assumed
administrative oversight over the DEA in the 1980s. In the governmental
food chain two things are clear. The FBI is dominant over DEA
and maintains better intelligence. And secondly, the primary
seat of Clinton/Gore (Democratic Party) enforcement power is
in the Department of Justice and the FBI. As demonstrated by
a statement in the report, NDIC Director Richard Callas indicated
that the FBI (not DEA) requested that NDIC prepare the 1997 report.
Using maps, flow charts, diagrams and statistical analysis,
NDIC stated clearly that the Dominican Trafficking Organizations
controlled 12 to 33% (or one third) of the approximately 500
metric tons of cocaine entering the United States every year.
Emphasizing the criticality of the Dominican Republic's proximity
to Puerto Rico the NDIC report also stressed the significance
of the Dominican Trafficking Organizations' control over cocaine
distribution within the eastern United States.
"The project team's analysis also indicates that Dominican
Trafficking Organizations distribute a significant percentage
of the Colombian cocaine within the U.S. borders. Dominican distribution
organizations now control the cocaine market in some U.S. cities,
and are extending their networks to cities and states across
the country at an alarming rate. New York City - more specifically,
the Washington Heights area of Upper West Manhattan - is the
distribution hub and center of command for Dominican Drug activity
on the U.S. mainland."
Later in the same page the report adds, "The Dominican
drug threat will continue to expand unless checked by effective
law enforcement measures." Sources told From The Wilderness
that, indeed, the Dominican dominance has continued to expand
and consolidate control in the Caribbean and throughout New York.
Dominican Trafficking Organizations have become serious competitors
in Florida where drug trafficking has traditionally been dominated
by Bush-allied Cubans and they have tightened their grip over
distribution throughout New England.
"All this recent hoopla and jumping around over Operation
Conquistador is just a bunch of BS," said one US Department
of Justice source." All the DEA accomplished - and the line
troops had the best of intentions - was that competition was
weeded out and all the remaining organizations got lessons in
how to avoid getting busted in the future. The Dominican Trafficking
Organizations were hardly scratched. They're too sharp."
This would seem to agree with the US National Drug Intelligence
Center report which stated on page 16, "Dominican traffickers
are extremely adept at operational security and counter surveillance.
Their use of radio transceivers, alarm systems, police scanners,
miniature video cameras and other high-tech equipment to detect
and monitor law enforcement is common." Later, the report
stressed that the Dominicans were most adept at violence and
almost impossible to penetrate because of their combined Spanish
language and African descent. As documented previously in From
The Wilderness, a unique cultural identity has proven distinctly
advantageous to the Kosovo Liberation Army which controls 70%
of the heroin entering Western Europe. Because of their Albanian
ethnicity and language, the KLA can tap into ethnic Albanian
communities all over Europe for reliable and discreet services.
It's easy to tell your own bad guys from the good guys.
On a more ominous note, the NDIC report observed that, Dominican
Trafficking Organizations controlled all of the Colombian heroin
distribution in their territories and indicated that the only
reason that Colombian heroin did not dominate the U.S. market
was because (in 1997) Colombia couldn't grow it fast enough.
From The Wilderness has observed that all recent reports indicate
that Colombia has been increasing its opium (heroin) production
steadily ever since. This is particularly ominous since the US
National Drug Intelligence Center reported that "Sixty-two
percent of DEA heroin seizures in 1995 had a Colombian signature."
As recently as 1999 the DEA reported the Colombia continued to
increase its share of the heroin market.
Cops and The Money Trail
Dominican Drug Lords and Al Gore
In the July and August 1999 issues of From The Wilderness
we documented the travails first of a dedicated US Immigration
Agent, Joe Occhipinti in New York and later, John "Sparky"
McLaughlin in Pennsylvania. In the 1980s, Occhipinti, using his
initiative, started a task force to attack the rampant money
laundering taking place in Dominican dominated mini-markets,
known as bodegas, in the Washington Heights section of New York
Occhipinti's efforts started out wildly successful until
he butted heads with financial institutions like Seacrest Ltd.,
that were later linked to the CIA and powerful political machines
dependent upon Dominican "contributions." Instead of
garnering praise and promotions, Occhipinti's highly successful
operations led him to incur the wrath of New York's Democratic
Party machine and eventually a prison sentence for allegedly
violating the civil rights of Dominican drug dealers. Never once
was Occhipinti charged with dishonesty or excessive force yet
he was sentenced to years in prison. Occhipinti was later pardoned
by then-US President George Bush.
John McLaughlin, an Agent with the Pennsylvania Attorney
General's Office, starting in 1995 began developing Dominican
informants working with drug rings in Philadelphia. Those informants
led directly into the heart of the Dominican Revolutionary Party
(PRD), a supposedly rabid Marxist revolutionary group. What surprised
McLaughlin was that every leader of the Dominican Revolutionary
Party in the United States was a major trafficker with a DEA
NADDIS [Narcotics and Dangerous Drug Information System] number.
Thinking he was doing his duty, McGlaughlin notified the CIA
and the State Department where his investigations had led him.
He was right, but for the wrong reasons.
The CIA came to Philly to meet with "Sparky" McLaughlin
and his team more than once. Several CIA memoranda were produced
and ultimately shown to those attending. They included a memorandum
from the CIA Chief of Station (CoS) in the Dominican capital
of Santo Domingo indicating that the Dominican Revolutionary
Party was the chosen and approved party of both Bill Clinton's
State Department and his CIA.
Not only that, subsequent meetings revealed that as recently
as December, 1994, Assistant Secretary of State Alex Watson had
traveled to the Dominican Republica to meet with Dominican Revolutionary
Party head Jose Francisco Pena-Gomez, Sparky's number one drug
Then, in March of 1996, CIA Officer Dave Lawrence, demanded
that McLaughlin reveal the name of his informant inside the Dominican
Revolutionary Party. This, "Sparky" knew, was a death
sentence for sure and he refused. He also refused to compromise
his investigation in spite of the fact that it has led to more
than five years or relentless persecution, harassment in the
media, "freeway therapy" and character assassination.
[Ed Note: In North America, freeway therapy is a form of punishment
that requires employees to drive very long distances between
home and work assignments. It often adds as much as eight hours
to the work day.]
It has also led to a lawsuit in which McLaughlin, represented
by former Pennsylvania Congressman Don Bailey, is fighting back
hard to restore the honor and good name of a truly honest team
of cops. It was while researching that case for the August issue
that From The Wilderness came across the National Drug Intelligence
Center report which had been submitted as an exhibit in Sparky's
suit. We were able to obtain a copy before it was sealed by the
court and that seems to have angered Bill Clinton's Department
McGlaughlin's work resulted in the formation of a Task Force
including DEA and various agencies from New York State. Even
while the CIA was trying to put the brakes on the investigation,
the Dominican task force following the Dominican Revolutionary
Party leadership continued doing its job until, as reported in
the August issue of From The Wilderness:
"On a night in September, 1996, if you had zoomed in
on a close up, from God's eye, into Coogan's Pub in Washington
Heights, you would have seen Dominican Revolutionary Party leaders
Simon A. Diaz, the party's Executive Commission Vice President
(NADDIS #3164850 - Money Launderer) and Pablo Espinal, it's Executive
Commission and Zone President (NADDIS #1289859 File # ZL-79-0017
- Money Launderer) hold a fund raiser for Vice President Al Gore
who was only too happy to attend in person.
Many of those attending that night had been present back
in March for Pena's fundraiser. Several of them had convictions
for sales of pounds of cocaine, weapons violations and the laundering
of millions of dollars in drug money. From The Wilderness did
not have the resources to check US Federal Election Commission
records to determine how much money Gore raised but several sources
have indicated that it was probably several hundred thousand
dollars at least.
OK readers, ask yourself one question: Is it possible that
Vice President Al Gore's Secret Service detail did not know that
most of the people in Coogan's Pub had NADDIS numbers - with
prior drug records - and many had a history of violence? Is it
possible the FBI did not know? Is it possible that DEA wouldn't
tell the Secret Service? For the record, it is mandatory for
the US Secret Service, the agency charged with protecting federal
officials, to run background checks on everyone arranging a function
with the President or the Vice President or any member of their
families. They search just about every database there is.
As demonstrated on April 19, 2000 when Hillary Rodham Clinton's
Senatorial campaign returned $22,000 to a businesswoman linked
to Cuban drug smuggler Jorge Cabrera, this single documented
instance of Al Gore receiving money from drug traffickers is
not enough to indict the whole system. It does not completely
establish that national political campaigns can no longer be
conducted without drug money. Something more is needed.
The Democrats' Dynamic Duo
Tony Coelho, Al Gore's Campaign Chairman and Charles Manatt
go way back. The Atlantic Monthly in an October 1986 story
by Gregg Easterbrook, described the dark days after the 1980
Reagan landslide when the Republicans had all the money and the
Democratic Party could seemingly raise none. Two new stars arose
to resurrect the party and make it financially competitive again.
"The Democratic camp stood in even worse disorder than
usual, with a little known Los Angeles lawyer, Charles Manatt,
taking over the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and the utterly
anonymous Tony Coelho, a thirty-nine year-old California congressman
with no organizational experience, assuming leadership of the
related Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), which
is charged with raising money for democratic congressmen. Twenty-five
more seats in 1982 would have given the Republicans the House,
and with it, full control over federal decision making. The conventional
wisdom held that the Democratic Party would not get out of the
Reagan revolution alive."
But get out alive it did. It was not without incurring the
wrath of some of the Democratic old guard that Coelho and Manatt
resurrected party finances. But, according to the article, "Coelho
tripled the take from DCCC fund raising, from $2 million to $6
million, in his first two years."
The story continued three paragraphs later, "Another
businesslike decision Coelho made early on was to invest a portion
of the DCCC's rapidly increasing income. Previously, the money
had immediately gone out to finance campaigns or to retire old
debts; some of these venerable obligations date to the days of
the Humphrey-Nixon race. Coelho set aside about $3.5 million
of the first $6 million he raised to finance a media center and
a direct-mail operation; at the DNC, Charles Manatt was doing
much the same."
Manatt was a skilled attorney. He was also a banker. In 1965
had founded the Los Angeles law firm of Manatt and Phelps that
was eventually to become one of the largest and most powerful
Democratic law firms in the country. Manatt would mentor and
stay close to leading California Democratic political figures
like Maxine Waters, Gray Davis and Tom Bradley. Powerful behind
the scenes, Manatt also became a deal maker and big time money
man. Surprisingly however, Charles Manatt has also been linked
to shady deals that connected to legendary drug smuggler Barry
Seal and covert CIA operations of the Contra era.
Recently, From The Wilderness Contributing Editor Daniel
Hopsicker finished writing an as yet unpublished biography of
CIA pilot/operative and legendary drug smuggler Barry Seal. While
co-writing the October 1999 From The Wilderness story entitled
"Why Does George W Bush Fly In Drug Smuggler Barry Seal's
Airplane?", Hopsicker discovered that a Beechcraft King
Airplane 200, tail number N6308F, was directly connected to a
CIA "front" company through a series of fraudulent
That particular airplane had been leased to Barry Seal by
real estate mega-developer Eugene Glick. To his surprise, while
going through boxes of Seal's personal records, Hopsicker also
came across documentary evidence, in Seal's own handwriting,
that Glick's attorney at the time (1982) was none other than
Charles Manatt. From The Wilderness has called the offices of
Manatt and Phelps several times and inquired if their records
confirm Manatt's representation of Glick. As of press time the
firm has not responded.
Could Manatt and Coelho have been solving some of the Democratic
Party's financial problems with drug money? Bill Clinton was
certainly doing that in Arkansas.
[The full story of the Beechcraft King Air 200 aircraft,
which is now owned by the State of Texas and regularly used by
Governor George W. Bush, now Republican Party candidate for US
president, on state business, is covered in Dan Hopsicker's outstanding
video In Search of the American Drug Lords which is available
through From The Wilderness by mail order or at the web site
Major Democratic Party figures doing business with drug traffickers
and intelligence agencies is not as surprising as it might sound.
Hopsicker also interviewed Iran-Contra insiders who told him
that Democratic powerhouse attorney Richard Ben Veniste had -
also in 1982 - incorporated a company named Trinity Oil for Barry
Seal as a vehicle to launder Seal's enormous cocaine cash flow.
Clearly, by 1982 the Democratic Party had learned from watching
the old US espionage veterans from the OSS and CIA who had acquired
decades of drug dealing experience in Corsica, France, Vietnam,
Laos, Korea, Thailand and Taiwan. They had used the drug trade
to finance elections, form political cadres, buy institutions
and they had used that experience to elect Ronald Reagan.
The Democrats were now back in the game as tons of CIA-protected
cocaine began to flow through Mena Arkansas and much of the money
flowed through Arkansas banks, state agencies and law firms.
The key was placing yourself to be in control of the right strategic
locations ahead of time. In the 1980s Arkansas, Louisiana and
California were the places to be if you were a Democrat.
[As of this writing, Daniel's fabulous book remains - sadly
- without a publisher. His research and documentation of the
life of Barry Seal are breathtaking and riveting. Contacted for
this story, Hopsicker reiterated his belief that Barry Seal was
documenting drug connections to both parties as blackmail insurance
before his 1986 assassination in Baton Rouge.]
Manatt has other interesting bona fides. According to US
FDIC records, and his own published biography, Charles Manatt
founded and served as Chairman of First Los Angeles Bank in 1973.
The bank got into serious trouble in 1989 and was later criticized
for mismanagement by the government and the courts before being
finally sold in 1995. This was at the same time that Tony Coelho's
questionable association with junk bond king and L.A. resident,
Michael Milken forced him to resign abruptly from Congress.
Manatt's law firm, including as a partner future Clinton
crony Mickey Kantor, also represented the Bank of Credit and
Commerce International's [BCCI's'] insider and number two man,
Swaleh Naqvi. BCCI bank's well documented connections to drug
money laundering and the CIA suggest other possible intelligence
connections for Manatt. Internal BCCI bank documents are said
to show that the bank used the Manatt firm to lobby the National
Security Council in 1992 in an attempt to close down the investigations
of New York DA Robert Morgenthau into BCCI operations.
It is also revealing that Manatt, Phelps and Kantor, (later
to become Manatt, Phelps and Phillips) also represented Mochtar
Riady's Lippo Group and the Worthen Bank of Arkansas, which was
then owned by Jackson Stephens (Jimmy Carter's roommate at Annapolis).
Both the Lippo Group and the now defunct Worthen Bank turn up
like a carpet weave throughout Bill Clinton's history, the history
of Mena Arkansas, Democratic Party fundraising and the story
of BCCI. We also noticed that. Conveniently, Charles Manatt also
sits on the Board of Federal Express.
A search of CIA-Base ©, a research tool developed by
retired CIA agent Ralph McGehee offers another clue. It seems
that Charles Manatt also served as a Director of the National
Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI). The CIA
subsidized NDI organization, counted among its directors, Manatt,
Walter Mondale and Edmund Muskie according to records in the
National Endowment for Democracy. The NDI's ostensible purpose
was to help facilitate elections in such CIA areas of operation
as Northern Ireland, Taiwan, South Korea, Nicaragua, Panama and
It is not surprising then that Tony Coelho, who left Congress
in 1989 under a storm front of allegations regarding his financial
practices, in the middle of his sixth term as a Representative
from California, is the Chairman of Al Gore's Presidential Campaign.
He is the rainmaker. On him, and the money he can raise, ride
the hopes of the emerging dominant faction in American politics.
But recently, Tony Coelho has fallen under investigation
from the State Department regarding his alleged misuse of government
funds while serving as the U.S. Commissioner General at Expo
98 in Portugal. A very detailed March 23, 2000 article by Bill
Hogan in The National Journal, describes Coelho's expensive tastes
and questionable business practices. Not only did Coelho rent
a lavish beachfront apartment, he used U.S. government staff
for his personal business, sought donations of airline tickets
from various political cronies and then used his position at
the trade Expo to solicit investments for his private ventures
including a now defunct Internet Mortgage Loan Brokerage venture
It is also not surprising then that, "Coelho invited
Manatt and [ Democratic party power attorney, Coelho associate
and fund raiser William] Cable and their spouses to Portugal
Coelho's government-paid Portuguese chauffeur, Samuel Silva,
picked up the Manatts and the Cables at the Lisbon airport. The
two couples stayed gratis for at least part of their trips in
Coelho's $18,000-a-month luxury apartment, which had been restocked
at his direction with Johnnie Walker whisky, Bacardi rum, vodka,
gin, and other bar essentials - all purchased on government accounts
According to The National Journal, Manatt and Cable both invested
$200,000 apiece in Coelho's soon to fail LoanNet.
On December 9, 1999 Charles Manatt presented his credentials
to the government of the Dominican Republic and became the fortieth
U.S. Ambassador to the Dominican Republic since 1883. There are
a couple of unusual features to Manatt's appointment in a Presidential
Former party chairmen, prodigious fund raisers and power
brokering attorneys are not appointed to such backward and undesirable
postings. Pamela Harriman, arch fundraiser and Presidential groomer
asked for - and got - Paris. The Dominican Republic, with its
rampant poverty, on the same island that is credited with helping
spread AIDS to North America, with no major resorts, is a backwater.
Even US Congresswoman Maxine Waters' husband Sidney Williams,
as a reward for services to the cause was given the Ambassadorship
to the Bahamas where he served from 1993 until 1998. The Bahamas
are much nicer than the Dominican Republic. They speak English
there and there are nice casinos and resort hotels like The Atlantis
where drug lord Carlos Lehder's beautiful wife/consort, Coral
Baca, even has a tower named after her and her photo adorns the
[It was this same Coral Baca who delivered the federal grand
jury transcripts to Pulitzer Prize winner Gary Webb at The San
Jose Mercury News in 1995. That contact resulted in the stories
in his book, The Dark Alliance, that swept across the nation
in 1996 (also a Presidential election year), giving the California
Democrat Maxine Waters a national forum to talk about Republican
backed cocaine trafficking during the 1980s.]
In fact - according to State Department records - the previous
twelve U.S. Ambassadors to the Dominican Republic, dating back
to 1957, have not been political appointees receiving rewards
at all. They have been career foreign service officers, assigned
to the post because no "politicals" wanted it. The
post remained vacant for almost two years from 1997 until Manatt
arrived just in time for the Presidential election campaign.
In the days of Ancient Rome it was customary, whenever there
was a critical political or military alliance with a province,
for the Emperor to send a member of his family as a Consul or
emissary to signify the importance of the relationship with Rome.
This also served to demonstrate that no action would be taken
against provincial leaders, who could - if necessary - take the
emissary hostage knowing his importance to the Empire. The presence
of the dignitary also provided status for the provincial leaders
as they conducted business both within and around their territories.
This is the role of Charles Manatt 2000 years later.
How accurate is From The Wilderness's analysis here? It is
accurate enough that in February of this year the U.S. Attorney's
Office in Harrisburg tried to rake the attorney for Pennsylvania
narc John McLaughlin over the coals because From The Wilderness
had acquired their confidential report on Dominican drug traffickers
used in this story. Don Bailey, as a former Member of Congress,
wasn't going for the intimidation. Knowing that From The Wilderness
had acquired the document legally he suggested in a terse and
eloquent letter that US Department of Justice, "Buzz off."
In a conversation with this writer he stated the obvious, "They
aren't concerned with drug traffickers getting the information.
They are concerned with covering up their own actions."
Throughout their careers Tony Coelho and Charles Manatt have
done one thing better than all the rest. They raised money. Now,
with Coelho as Chairman of the campaign and Manatt protecting
the money flow from the Dominican Republic - especially just
after the Clinton controlled DEA has disrupted all Caribbean
competition - the Democrats stand a chance to compete financially
with the decades old entrenched drug money behind the Republican
The politicians know the truth and it is just as simple as
Catherine Austin Fitts has stated, "Those with access to
capital and those with the lowest cost of capital win. If you
don't play with drug money you can't play at all."
And therein lies the certainty that the American political
system can do nothing but decline from here on out. Once criminal
activity and rule breaking is established and enshrined there
is no course left but a steady descent into collapse and chaos.
Rome is a good case in point. And perhaps this is a well deserved
and a good thing for America. It certainly is if fresh blood
and thinking can rise to the top in the middle of the descent.
This has not been a story about how the Democrats are bad
and the Republicans are good - although I am sure that I'll be
getting more calls from Republican talk show hosts next month.
This is a story about how the system has become and IS organized
crime. If there are three "branches" of government
today they are the banks and financial institutions, the government
as enforcer, and the criminal syndicates.
There is no rule of law, there is only the rule of money.
And I am often amazed at how conservative Christians sometimes
ask me to label Democrats, Socialists, Communists, Illuminati,
Trilaterals, Jews, Bliderbergers, Masons, or Nazis as the source
of evil in this world. I wonder why they don't read their own
book. It says it quite clearly there - in the words of their
own Master - "For the love of money is the root of all evil."
- The Atlantic Monthly, October 1986, "The Business of Politics"
by Gregg Easterbrook
- The Iran Contra Connection, Marshall, Scott and Hunter, South
End Press, 1987.
- The New York Post, April 19, 2000
- The Drug Enforcement Administration - http://www.usdoj.gov/dea/pubs/cngrtest/ct041200.htm
- The U.S. Department of State, www.state.gov.
- The U.S. Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, www.fdic.gov
- CIA Base, © Copyright 1992 - Ralph McGehee
- Barry and The Boys, by Daniel Hopsicker, unpublished, ©
- In Search of the American Drug Lords (video), by Daniel Hopsicker,
- The National Journal, March 23, 2000, "POLITICS The Coelho
Case" by Bill Hogan
- From The Wilderness, January, July, August, October, 1999 ©
Michael C. Ruppert, http://www.copvcia.com
- THE DOMINICAN THREAT, A Strategic Assessment of Dominican Drug
Trafficking, Product No. 97-E0209-001, June 1997, The National
Drug Intelligence Center, Johnstown, PA. - Law Enforcement Sensitive.
The web site of Catherine Austin Fitts and Solari Village
Narco News Publisher's
A subscription to From
The Wilderness, edited by Michael C. Ruppert, costs $35 (US)
per year. There's also a
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"A Nonpartisan, Non-sectarian, MAP from the
Here That Is, into the Tomorrow of Our Own Making "
© COPYRIGHT 2000, FROM THE WILDERNESS PUBLICATIONS,
www.copvcia.com. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED for 30 days from publication
date only. Reprints and quotes must include authorship sourcing.
Subject to review and amendment by FTW on Oct. 1, 2001.
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